Factory of Strategy: Thirty-Three Lessons on Lenin (Insurrections: Critical Studies in Religion, Politics, and Culture)

By Antonio Negri

Factory of Strategy is the final of Antonio Negri's significant political works to be translated into English. Rigorous and obtainable, it truly is either a scientific inquiry into the advance of Lenin's notion and an encapsulation of a serious shift in Negri's theoretical trajectory.

Lenin is the one admired flesh presser of the trendy period to significantly query the "withering away" and "extinction" of the country, and prefer Marx, he well-known the hyperlink among capitalism and glossy sovereignty and the necessity to spoil capitalism and reconfigure the kingdom. Negri refrains from portraying Lenin as a ferocious dictator imposing the proletariat's reappropriation of wealth, nor does he depict him as an insignificant army instrument of a leading edge against the Ancien Régime. Negri in its place champions Leninism's skill to conform to assorted working-class configurations in Russia, China, Latin the United States, and somewhere else. He argues that Lenin built a brand new political figuration in and past modernity and a good association in a position to soaking up diverse old stipulations. He finally urges readers to acknowledge the common software of Leninism this present day and its power to institutionally―not anarchically―dismantle centralized power.

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Within the writings from 1905, in a ferocious polemic opposed to Mensheviks, Lenin insists at the inspiration of dictatorship. What have been the phrases of the polemic? In strategies of Social Democracy, from 1905, Lenin assaults the Mensheviks at the query of dictatorship and the shape of administration of the innovative bourgeois democracy in Russia. In his assault, Lenin refers to a booklet via Franz Mehring, one of many few strong interpreters of Marx’s discourse within the moment foreign. 1 Returning to the heritage of Marx’s task as advised through Mehring, Lenin reconstructs the shift of Marx’s discourse on democracy, in 1848 and the years after the revolution of 1848, specifically in the course of the paintings conducted within the New Rhine Newspaper. Lenin demonstrates that Marx adequately grasps the German innovative technique of 1848 at a variety of moments. First second: an adherence to the concept that of formal democracy within the desire that the democratic revolution, as such, may lead the method from in the very different types of democracy itself: the constituent, the institution of loose events, and so forth. moment second: Marx’s transparent recommendation that the easy type of democracy, with no the facility to “impose democracy,” and hence a sort of dictatorship with bourgeois contents, is totally in useless. what's intended via “bourgeois contents”? within the German case of 1848, those are the expropriation of landowners, the imposition of small peasant estate, an alliance among the bourgeoisie and peasant small-property proprietors. If such an alliance isn't really outfitted, this is why the progressive approach, that's, the severe awareness of the proletarian celebration (the League of Communists), is not able to steer the move and impose this shift. The 3rd second is as a result Marx’s seventy one L E N I N A N D O U R G E N E R AT I O N wisdom of absolutely the desire for the proletariat to maintain the bourgeoisdemocratic part through coercive ability, and his know-how that this precious section of recomposition of the proletariat, through overcoming an entire sequence of fabric and financial delays to the structure of a leading edge type, is led via the proletarian get together by way of dictatorship. the idea of the working-class management of the method becomes the description of a method with intermediate stages (the formation of a unfastened hard work industry and unfastened peasant ownership), which the imposition of the legislations of capital onto all precapitalist social strata needs to wade through. this can be the structure of a means of capitalist improvement in which the operating type is constituted as such, and therefore turns into in a position to maintaining its personal communist targets. yet this may in simple terms ensue in the course of the fabric coercive strength of the proletariat for the success of bourgeois-democratic ends. Bourgeois democracy is not just one of many sorts of improvement of sophistication domination; the query is who's answerable for the dictatorship, who holds the levers of energy, if it is the proletariat or, as within the German case, the bourgeoisie: a shy bourgeoisie not able to steer a progressive strategy and correspond to its personal pursuits will unavoidably have to best friend with reactionary periods and perform (within the bourgeois democracy itself ) the main ferocious repression of the progressive strength.

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